DURAN BELL 949 505 4725 bday 21 April. Whey (Wife).
https://www.jeunesseglobal.com/en-US/am/pmessentials "Jeunesse pills" I take several of the Jeunesse pills each day in order to approximate the "ultimate".
- 1 Sept 20 2017
- 2 Sept 17 2017
- 3 Feb 7 2017
- 4 Feb 6 2017
- 5 Jan 2017 Romantic Love
- 6 2016 new award
- 7 For Amber re: nomov (subsetted as nomov2)
- 8 Duran
- 9 Re: your new book
- 10 Summary for Duran
- 11 Finding source for war1 and sentences
- 12 Latest
- 13 Maps and DEf results Kinbia1.2.xlsx
- 14 Matriliny and Patriliny
- 15 Mon, May 8, 2010 9:41 pm Duran to Doug
- 16 Mon, March 8, 2010 11:15 pm Duran to Doug
- 17 Sun, March 7, 2010 5:24 pm Duran to Doug
- 18 March 6, 2010 11:48 pm
- 19 Fri, March 5, 2010 4:04 pm
- 20 Thu, March 4, 2010 Doug to Duran
- 21 May 18, 2011
- 22 Some publications
- 23 The Chronicles of Duran, bai jiu/gan bei
Sept 20 2017
One of the key product isReserve, a box of which I gave you earlier this year. I actually focus on other anti-oxidants that they provide. The article that I sent you on the "ultimate anti-oxidant" indicates the reason to use a number of things.
I take this very seriously, but the products are rather expensive. In your case, however it's certainly worth the expense. You can check it out on the web, but if you wish to buy, you should work w Hui. We can talk more when I come down. Duran On Tue, Sep 19, 2017 at 2:20 PM Doug White <firstname.lastname@example.org> wrote: What's with this Jeunesse that you use?
Sept 17 2017
I seem to have lots of stuff about the shortening of telemeres. Not so much on oxidation. But this should get you started. The paper on "the ultimate antioxidant" is an easier read.
since no antioxidant addresses every part of the body, I take several of the Jeunesse pills each day in order to approximate the "ultimate".
Feb 7 2017
I will do a detailed read. I know that you are tired of it.
The abstract should reference the scientific advances in the field, or just mention that there have been such advances. Also, how would you reference the many contributions to the book? You can use another paragraph.
(in the first paragraph, you continue to refer to regions of similarity. I think that it is a racist concept. First Nations of the Americas are not similar among themselves. Enormous variation. Would you dare claim similarity of Comanche and Hopi?)
Feb 6 2017
OK, I am willing to work on it. But in my view it does not begin coherently. The Leaf stuff is not what the volume is about. You need to write an abstract about your chapter. Quoting Leaf does not do it.
I will not try to redo the abstract. You must do it again, from scratch!! Then, I will look at it. It will take some time for me to do a job on material which begins on page 3, which is where I think the chapter should begin. Is that what you want me to do? d
- PI Name: DURAN BELL 949 505 4725 PSA 4.2 7.3 14th
- Hey, I was just looking at a paper by Koroteyev and deMunck on romantic love. I just don't believe a hair of it. For example, they suggest that romantic love arises in societies where there is gender equality!!! I would say that gender equality is undefinable in societies where gender roles are distinctly specified. Moreover, gender equality has not been a feature of western societies and is only now becoming more apparent. As I see it, the social organization of hunter-gatherers has featured broadly distributed sexual access for men and women in what I (and Morgan) would define as group marriage--where brothers and cousins have legitimate sexual access. korotayev seems to assume marital fidelity, etc. which I believe is largely associated with wealth inequality among men.
- Chris Kane
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- Duran's Book 5175 73,400 Bokus books. Skype ID is zdduran2004 Duran Wei ---- d_u_r_a_ --- Go to https://www.xsede.org/group/xup/submit-request#/ and click the “Actions” button under the award. You should see an option for a CoSSci extension. If you have problems, give me a call tomorrow and I’ll try to walk you through the process. -- Bob dduurraa -- look in email for pwd https://portal.xsede.org/#/logged-in has a link for ALLOCATIONS
- Usage for TG-DBS120005 on Comet has usage : had a lot for January and February, now some before and after April 16 -- WHATisthis:::560 :???
:go to User Portal to where usage shows
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- Peter Anderson <Peter.Anderson@CobaltMediaGroup.com> COMMENT: unlike anything published heretofore: a seminal achievement.
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Jan 2017 Romantic Love
Hey, I was just looking at a paper by Koroteyev and deMunck on romantic love. I just don't believe a hair of it. For example, they suggest that romantic love arises in societies where there is gender equality!!! I would say that gender equality is undefinable in societies where gender roles are distinctly specified. Moreover, gender equality has not been a feature of western societies and is only now becoming more apparent. As I see it, the social organization of hunter-gatherers has featured broadly distributed sexual access for men and women in what I (and Morgan) would define as group marriage--where brothers and cousins have legitimate sexual access. korotayev seems to assume marital fidelity, etc. which I believe is largely associated with wealth inequality among men.
2016 new award
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This notice has been sent to the PI, all co-PIs, and the Allocation Manager of this request. PI Name: DURAN BELL PI Organization: University of California, Irvine Request: UC Complex Social Science (CoSSci) Supercomputer Gateway Action Type: Extension Request Number: DBS120005 Allocations Admin Comments:
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For Amber re: nomov (subsetted as nomov2)
nomov2 conposown,gatherin group2,diasz,lfishing,hunting subsp,grppat,nomov dx$nomov2 rep(NA,length(dx$nomov)); index <- (dx$subsp==3) & (dx$grppat==2)
- These are mostly conversations with DRW.
- "Hui Qin" / Huiqun Zao DuranSCCS - matrilineal mtDNA map. UC Irvine. Was a research associate with the Brookings Institution from 1971 to 1973.
- Lucas: 844 973 3455 50 tablets
- My Chinese name is Zhong du an. zhong means "bell", du an is of course an attempt to repeat my given name, but du means isolation or alone and an means peace or peaceful. So, together it means peaceful isolation. -- Duran
Re: your new book
- Re your new book. Also says: The Yamnaya were herders who lived in the steppe north of the Black and Aral Seas.
This injection of DNA indicates 'a massive migration into the heartland of Europe from its eastern periphery,' said the researchers, led by David Reich of Harvard Medical School. The latest study also found a boost coming from the Yamnaya migration, with the population have the greatest genetic potential for being tall. Such a large-scale influx would likely have affected not just the DNA but ancient cultures as well. Although genes can't determine what people spoke, the researchers argue that their findings could influence the debate about the origins of Indo-European tongues. Indo-European languages include more than 400 tongues, from modern languages such as English and Polish to ancient languages like Hittite and Sanskrit. Basque, which is spoken in south-west France and northern Spain, is not Indo-European, and may be the only surviving relic of earlier languages once spoken more widely, according to the BBC. Linguists have long debated whether Indo-European languages came to Europe with farmers migrating from the Middle East or some other group, such as the Yamnaya. Previously, researchers had believed that Indo-European language spread some 8,500 years ago, when the first farmers from the Near East, now modern day Turkey, brought it to Europe.
Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-3027873/How-white-skin-evolved-Europeans-Pale-complexions-developed-region-8-000-years-ago-study-claims.html#ixzz3WZbzTmTq Follow us: @MailOnline on Twitter | DailyMail on Facebook
Summary for Duran
http://intersci.ss.uci.edu/wiki/pdf/LRBcb00.pdf http://societyandenvironment.truman.edu/Faculty/Facultyweb/Amber%20Johnson/methods/Branstetter_Methods%20Poster.pdf http://www.americanscientist.org/bookshelf/pub/the-legacy-of-lewis-binford war1. Scale of intensity of warfare. How frequent and how widespread it may be regionally. Freq Value Description 169 1 No organized competition 91 2 Conflict is continually present on an on-again/off-again basis 61 3 Conflict is more common than in (2) and there are unprovoked attacks on intruders 11 4 Conflict is common in the region, but it may flare up to major proportions periodically 7 5 All properties of (4) and conflict is sustained and results in long term expansion of groups table(dx$war1,dx$conpos) 1 2 3=Matrifilial, 2=Patrfilial 1 99 65 4 2 21 55 14 3 5 32 23* 4 0 4 7* Conflict in the Region 5 0 1 6* Rsq=0.57 p<.0001 two-tailed Fischer Exact as a 2 x 2 (1-2 vs other in both variables)
Look at the maps in http://intersci.ss.uci.edu/wiki/index.php?title=LRB_Kinbia1
Indepvar COMPOSE-OWNERS(composowners) = The posture of the particular group relative to the intensity of warfare within the region as coded in WAR. n=125 1 Generally defensive through avoidance rather than active defense n=157 2 Tit-for-tat n=54 3 Generally aggressive TIMES: Ownership of resource locations (Binford 2001:426) n=166 1 None reported n=63 2 Local groups claims exclusive rights over resource locations, residential sites and home range n=81 3 Local group claims hunting areas, dominant animals, fishing sites and animal drive locations n=29 4 Elite ownership of land and resources
and Indepvar Percent dependence on terrestrial plants (Binford 2001:117) times (*) Ownership of resource locations (Binford 2001:426). n=166 1 None reported n=63 2 Local groups claims exclusive rights over resource locations, residential sites and home range n=81 3 Local group claims hunting areas, dominant animals, fishing sites and animal drive locations n=29 4 Elite ownership of land and resources
Controlling for autocorrelation, predict Depvar
Bias in kinship structure as regards the side which is extended more or keyed upon cognitively for discussing exogamy. n=223 1 No bias n=78 2 Patrifilial bias n=38 3 Matrifilial bias
This fits your theory that 1. foragers that are generally aggressive in protecting themselves for others *times* having ownership of territory 2. and that have greater dependence on gathering Are more likely to be 3. matrifilial
(and as a consequence, encounter more lethal conflict from other foragers, as its only foragers that are in the sample) hence, over time, matrifilial forager societies will tend to decrease in numbers relative to patrifilial and nonfilial foragers (having no descent groups)
Finding source for war1 and sentences
- Binford p. 219 "larger ethnographic regions" ... "a threshold must be reached that marks a reversal ... the size of an ethnic area increases with further intensification." "Some ethnically recognizable h-g societies ... have reached crossed this threshold without becoming non-hunter-gathering societies."
- p223 "warfare and sociopolitical complexity appear correated with h-g groups that also appear to be operating from an expansionist imperative." See generalization 7.17
http://SocSciCompute.ss.uci.edu open Make an LRB Clips for depvar: kinbia1 and indepvar: convos (Wes Routon re: Duran) owners dx$kinbia1.d23,dx$conpos Tasks: Make an LRB Clips for depvar: kinbia1 indepvar: conposowners,gatherin other: group2,diasz,lfishing,hunting dx$conposowners dx$conposowners*dx$gatherin other: hunting,fishing,diasz,bio.12Sq,bio.13Sq,bio.16Sq,bio.19Sq (Wes Routon re: Duran) owners dx$kinbia1.d23,dx$conpos
table(dx$kinbia1.d23,dx$conpos) #where #3 of conpos is aggressive and #1of convos is avoidance of conflict 1 2 3 #2 is tit-for-tat 0 107 115 0 107 87 28 1 18 70 26 patri or matrifilial bias
What non-filials are doing is running away: avoidance of conflict. Filials are fighting. And matrifilials are under attack more often than patrifilials. That's why they are in decline!
1 2-3 #2 is tit-for-tat 0 107 115 1 18 96 patri or matrifilial bias Fischer Exact 2-tailed p= 0.0003
According to Wes Routon and Calib Watson in a Chapter for the Wiki the foragers with ownership also have less conflict resolution (p<0.0001) and this is the strongest predictors of Conflict Resolution as a negative effect.
table(dx$kinbia1.d23,dx$owners) 1 2 3 4 0 134 30 44 15 1 32 33 37 14 The two-tailed Fischer Exact P value is less than 0.0001 1 0 134 89 1 32 84 table(dx$kinbia1,dx$owners) 1 2 3 4 1 134 30 44 15 2 24 25 23 6 3 8 8 14 8 owners. Ownership of resource locations ; (Table: 9.01); (Binford 2001:426) Class=numeric; Type=categorical; Number non-missing=339; Number of unique values=4 Freq Value Description 166 1 None reported 63 2 Local groups claims exclusive rights over resource locations, residential sites and home range 81 3 Local group claims hunting areas, dominant animals, fishing sites and animal drive locations 29 4 Elite ownership of land and resources kinbia1. Records the bias in the kinship structure as regards the side which is extended more or keyed upon cognitively for discussing exogamy Class=numeric; Type=categorical; Number non-missing=339; Number of unique values=3 Freq Value Description 223 1 No bias 78 2 Patrifilial bias 38 3 Matrifilial bias corr.test(dx$kinbia1,dx$owners) Call:corr.test(x = dx$kinbia1, y = dx$owners) Correlation matrix 1] 0.28 Sample Size [1,] 339 Probability values adjusted for multiple tests. 0.00 mkdummy(dx$owners,"3") dx$kinbia1.d3<-(dx$kinbia1>2)*1 table(dx$kinbia1.d3,dx$owners) 1 2 3 4 0 158 55 67 21 1 8 8 14 8 corr.test(dx$kinbia1.d3,dx$owners) Call:corr.test(x = dx$kinbia1.d3, y = dx$owners) #matrifilial bias Correlation matrix  0.23 Sample Size [,1] [1,] 339 Probability values adjusted for multiple tests. [,1] [1,] 0
dx$kinbia1.d2<-(dx$kinbia1==2)*1 #patrifilial bias  0.12 Sample Size [,1] [1,] 339 Probability values adjusted for multiple tests. [,1] [1,] .03
Need to see you and talk about early Europe again. European occupation was not an easy one. A major cold spell about 40 kya and the Last Glacial Maximum 24-14 kya. I already knew that it was tough in Africa, but seems like India and SE Asia were the places to be. And it was from India that modern humans came into Europe, 30,000 years after leaving Africa. The Europeans, prior to 14 kya, were of a South Asian mega-haplogroup. That group was either largely replaced or swamped later by the Neolithic demic expansion. There is some debate over how bad things were. But most people retreated to near the Mediterranean, as a refugia. Then, population expanded only to be hit by the Younger Dryas cold spell, 12-10.5 kya, that was devastating. So, there were three major separate die-offs. But there seems also to have been 7,000 year cycles of cold spells. Ai ya. Hey, the Holocene has been nice, but maybe we will really ruin it.
Now, to speculate on the forms of social organization that must have dominated the scene. At the moment, I am in a deep fog.
Maps and DEf results Kinbia1.2.xlsx
- Visual summer for the maps themselves: at
- show regional predictors of matrifilial kinship among foragers:
- Clusters of foragers in North America with conpos*owners (large dots) occur in Russia, Siberia, Northwest Coast, California, Texas, Florida and Northern South America.
- Clusters of foragers with extensive gathering occur in Southern Africa, India and SE Asia, and Central to NW Australia, plus Mesoamerica, Northern and Central South America.
- (Depvar) Except for Africa many of the societies that are Matrifilial are in those same areas.
Matriliny and Patriliny
If the marginal value of fertility is positive, so that fertility is a wealth-asset, it cannot be transferred to others in the absence of a counterposing wealth asset. Hence, matriliny is elementary relative to patriliny. the idea the patriliny comes first is based on the fact that the marginal value of fertility is not positive for the simplest and poorest of foragers. And there is no reason to characterize the foraging lifeway by reference to the marginalized remainder. Murdock was surely wrong on this one.
Oh, by the way, one's understanding of early human social organization is totally overturned when fertility and territory are recognized as foundational wealth-assets. I now call them 'resources of long duration.'
So if you have better resources, say, as the core of age-area or center-periphery regions, you expect matriliny at the center, wealthier, more complex, patriliny at the periphery??? Doug
P.S. You would be surprised to hear that the Ju/'hoansi are matrilineal, not bilateral as claimed by Lee and others. Duran
This work is the logical follow through of earlier work on wealth assets. Patriliny can be "complex" or very simple. Depends on value of fertility. We know that fertility is not positive if there is infanticide. People don't throw away wealth. If it is positive, then there must be a means of transferring it--which is a complication.
The matriliny of the Ju/'hoansi is evident from several sources. Not Lee, because he is so focused on hunting.Lorna Marshall, Shostak ("Nisa"). territoriality is obvious, given a sensible definition thereof and affiliation is confusing because fertility is not positive and, hence offspring need not always be claimed. As a result, there is flexibility in the disposition of offspring. However, women places their first children with the matrilineage and only when this responsibility has been satisfied do they place them elsewhere or euthenize.
And, finally, Shapera quotes late 19th century observers who discuss the matrilineal inheritance of Chiefs (!!!!) among the !Kung. So, we can see that the current management of fertility is an adaptation to its earlier and much stronger matrilineal structure.
(Lee makes reference to Shapera's discussion of some unimportant linguistic issue and avoids reference to matriliny and chiefs.)
Mon, May 8, 2010 9:41 pm Duran to Doug
The thing that you call X is *sharing*. It is not arbitrary. The sharing between lord and serf is not arbitrary, nor the sharing within a family unit. What we have are systems of joint production for which there is no external sources of factor valuation (labor market). The United States is a system of corporate sharing, by means of a tax system that redistributes on the basis of political decisions rather than on the basis of contributions, .... not arbitrary. *The rights to shares are a salient aspect of culture.*
The ubiquity of exchange is the bourgeois trick. It completely dominates modern social science and is an essential aspect of capitalist ideology. For anthropology it is a disaster, making an understanding of systems of sharing...tribal, agrarian.. impossible.
Agrarian systems, for example, are systems of shares...which is why merchants don't fit the ideologies of those regimes, usually, and which reduces the official ideological status of merchants in most agrarian regimes.
I have been reading about medieval Italy. Nice book that focuses on the system of trade (Luzzatto, An Economic History of Italy: from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, 1961). What comes thru is that Italy became a location between the Mediterranean and points farther north. And the cities were local powers in and of themselves, securing special trading rights in various places by means of warfare and other means. In other words, merchants were not independent entrepreneurs, they were parts of a collective assault and they needed special trading rights in competition with merchants from other cities. Furthermore, the countryside surrounding these cities contained a peasantry that was exploited like colonies by the cities....totally impoverished during the earlier period by low prices and by taxes, for the benefit of the city or more correctly for the benefit of those who were in a position to benefit from the city's resources. In other words, this was a system quite different from anything that you find in the contemporary period.... *it reflected a feudal context*: Systems of rights within the city and rights secured abroad to be similarly distributed. Interesting point..when Luzzatto discusses trade, he almost never mentions any traders, only the cities. (He does mention some bankers.)
The development of capitalism required the collapse or destruction of these regimes, something that did not happen easily in Italy.
My discussion of sharing may seem arbitrary, because I have not developed a theory that would nail down the distribution of shares. Such a theory might exist for certain forms of regime, such as agrarian, and I plan to work on that. But it is clear that the movement from one forms of social system to another is guided by the goals of elites to whom a large share of the new system's resources will belong. This happens because they take control and set the rules (rights) of sharing so that they deserve whatever they get.
As I think about it, maybe my paper on methodological individualism (on my website) would be relevant to this discussion; while looking over it, I select the paragraph, below:
- First, in order that there be trade, the trader must have full rights of possession. Meat must become
personal property. This is so because one cannot trade without having the right not to trade; the trader must be a residual claimant to the stock, offering it to others only to the extent that the expected reciprocal responses justify his offers. But for this to be true—for a man to have a right of private possession—there must be social supports for his claim. Rights are socially supported claims on resources. And in order that rights be held with security, others must be willing to fight for them—in this case, fight for a man's right to be selfish. This is not an absurd proposition, given that this is precisely the phenomenon that one finds in all hierarchical systems of private appropriation. The police, courts, and burgeoning prisons of the United States bear witness to this effort, as do the cruder efforts of the Haitian police and "attaches." In a comparable manner, the set of good hunters should be able to recruit a group of lackeys, paid in meat, to defend their rights of private possession. [thereby allowing them to trade] Moreover, such organized forces of social support should be apparent within hunter-gatherer societies if hunters do have such property rights. If hunters trade rather than share (as Hill and Kaplan  argue), there must be a formal structure of thuggery by which the right to be selfish is protected."
Mon, March 8, 2010 11:15 pm Duran to Doug
Notice that when I make reference of an "argument" of a social generating function (such as fertility), I require a social and material context for it. It must be able to grow in number or value over time under appropriate conditions. I show that this implies that it must be "managed" by a group of indefinite duration and must be accommodated by complementary assets. In other words, my "definition" of any wealth-asset was always a functional relation of a number of things.
This way of thinking about it leads more easily into a discusison of social evolution.
Sun, March 7, 2010 5:24 pm Duran to Doug
I keep thinking about the best term to use. Not sure that I really like power-asset. Might you prefer, the social generating function (whose argument might be fertility, or ...)?
I like this new and rather technical term because it move one to consider immediately the manner in which the relevant argument (or element?) is socially generating and perhaps the conditions under which it is not.
March 6, 2010 11:48 pm
To: "Douglas.White@uci.edu" <Douglas.White@uci.edu> Are you asking about power-assets relative to types of capital?
If so, certainly finance- and industrial-capital are power-assets. Consider finance-capital during the mercantilist period. Money (bullion) was accumulated by the state and used, among other things, for the development of naval power by which to extend its mercantilist reach. So, it was an accumulation that facilitated further accumulation--a system of PA accumulation. Like most forms of accumulation, it faced a crisis as a result of its own success. As its mercantilist reach is extended, it became further stretched geographically and faced risk of defeat on the periphery. Industrial capital is famous for its crises, due similarly to the success of prior accumulation (which now the federal reserve board attempts to restrain).
Human fertility, as a PA, will be most surprising to contemporary scholars, given the contemporary political attack on fertility. During most of human existence, the most prevailing form of PA has been the fertility of women. The size of any group would largely determine its power relative to hostile others. Unfortunately, most anthropologists prefer to think of pre-historic humans as non-aggressive and living in uncontested hunting grounds, as is the case for the least developed hunter gatherers who now survive--in domains that are uncontested because they are resource-poor. They generalize from the most exceptional of circumstances.
In early 20th century Africa, we still see societies wherein fertility of cattle and women combine as PAs. And in China we have the dynastic demographic cycles that reflected the management of land and human fertility as PAs. The periodic crises of such systems of accumulation are apparent. By the way, the Chinese case is particularly interesting because its premodern mentality survives: the strong need to preserve, if not extend, the territory that can be claimed historically (Tibet, Taiwan) and the continued use of residential registration system, which is used to prevent peasants from moving to the city.
I think we might talk before you give your talk.
I should get my new computer tomorrow. Hurray.
Fri, March 5, 2010 4:04 pm
I would have no longer any special role for "wealth".
The critical factor is the recognition of systems of accumulation.
Should we talk about it?
Thu, March 4, 2010 Doug to Duran
The term wealth is so firmly embedded in the connotations of "valuables" that I think a new scientific term for your definitions will serve much better. I for one would start using it immediately, as in a distinguished lecture I am giving in 3 weeks at Notre Dame. This may help clarify distinctions usages that are also confusing as among types of capital. How, exactly, then, are the two terms to be related in your usage?
Doug White ==Thu, March 4, 2010 7:48 pm Duran to Doug=- To: "Doug White" <email@example.com>
I am considering finding a new term to displace "wealth" in my discussions. It would appear that people (you included) are unwilling to abandon their common speech use of the term in a scientific discussion. So, I was wondering what you thought of "power-asset". There is no common connotation to that, yet it gets at the root of the matter. Wealth, in my discussions is not a "valuable" such as a golden candelabra, etc. It is something at satisfies four necessary and sufficient conditions, for which fertility (human and animal) land and capital are potentially applicable. And even these things may fail in a particular context.
They are power-assets because (if they satisfy the 4 conditions) their rates of growth over an indefinite time horizon define the ability of one society to survive and perhaps dominate others. Hence, they are foundational to social evolution--the survival of the fittest. Furthermore, even when the conditions are satisfied, there may be a variety of social technologies by which they are articulated. For example, a variety of agrarian formations by which land, as a power-asset, can be managed.
Well, how does the term strike you?
Merchants: England and Italy Duran to Doug
- Bell, Duran. 2008. Marriage Payments: a fundamental reconsideration. Structure and Dynamics: eJournal of Anthropological and Related Sciences 3(1):1-22.
- Marriage payments project with Bell and White - NSF Proposal
- Bell, Duran. 2008. Marriage payments - commentary
References on exchange
Sillitoe, Paul(1). 2006. Why spheres of exchange? Ethnology 45(1): pp. 1-23. (1) University of Durham, USA.
- Abstract. Spheres of exchange, a classic anthropological topic, is briefly reviewed. The concept prompts looking at implied spheres of production. All production is not the same; different arrangements characterize different spheres, as with subsistence goods compared to wealth items. The implications are significant for acephalous political orders that eschew any section of society exercising control over resources or capital needed by others for livelihood, so exerting hegemony over them. Spheres of exchange intimate the disconnection of subsistence from wealth production, effectively inhibiting relations of domination, promoting egalitarian distribution of livelihood resources. The introduction of (all-purpose) money, in the process of historically interrelated colonial, globalizing, and economic development interventions ruptures the insulation of spheres, marking the arrival of capitalist market arrangements and associated antithetical hierarchical rich and poor relations. (Economic anthropology, spheres of exchange, production, acephalous politics).
References on wealth transfers
May 18, 2011
I am surprised that you were not funded. It was mentioned that you were on the panel. In any case, they did not like my proposal. My dismissal of methodological individualism as a foundation for understanding social evolution was greeted with much hostility. One reviewer expressed the idea that social evolution is a function of individuals, not social groups. Perhaps, he had not noticed that in recent centuries, most of such transitions were accompanied by warfare.
In any case, I am finished. I shall address myself to writing a treatise on social evolution. Doug, I have learned some very disturbing things about anthropology as a result of recent readings. I am sure you already know: the movement that begin in the 1930s against any reference to matriliny and certainly to matriliny as foundational to early societies. Rather, the nuclear family was to be put forward as a biological necessity. Indeed, in Johnson and Earle, this husband and wife are sexually faithful to each other. Morgan has been replaced by Genesis. This new perspective, led by Malinowski, was promoted as a movement against Marxism, given that Marx had used the findings of Morgan, etc. We see this new idea in all post 1950 treatises on social evolution and it is so counter-factual!!! Methodological individualism is a further refinement of this same anti-communism--the argument that resources cannot be jointly held and hence matriliny cannot have an important economy function.
Oh, one of the arguments for the primacy of the (monogamous) nuclear family is paternity certainty! Such a joke. Ha, even in today's England, it is said that 20% of offspring are not biologically related to their fathers. And in African matrilineal societies, the lovers are everywhere.
Duran Bell. 1995. Beyond the range of methodological individualism: On the nature of sharing, Current Anthopology, 36(5):826-830.
Bell, Duran, and Shunfeng Song. 1990. Growth and Process in a lineage-based social technology. Journal of Quantitative Anthropology 2(1):17-49.
Bell, Duran, and Shunfeng Song. 1993. Sacrificing reproductive success for the primitive accumulation of cattle. Journal of Quantitative Anthropology 4(2):175-184.
- Dahl, Gudrun and Anders Hjort 1976 Having Herds: Pastoral Herd Growth and Household Economy. Department of Social Anthropology, University of Stockholm. http://books.google.com/books/about/Having_herds.html?id=ldYPAQAAIAAJ
Bell, Duran, and Shunfeng Song. 1995. Explaining the level of bridewealth. Current Anthropology 35(3):311-316.
The Chronicles of Duran, bai jiu/gan bei
Hi everyone. This is a topical report on my activities of the last week, for your amusement. As you no doubt don't know, the people of the Mongolia region, including Inner Mongolia (which is part of the PRC), are very proud of the grasslands, an enormous area of grass with few trees--the land of sheep herders and nomads whose legendary hero is Genghis Khan. It is a land far north of the Great Wall and was populated by the people for whom the wall was constructed.
It is lovely in its vast greenness and here an there you see little round imitation ghurts (which were originally made of sheep skin)--the Mongolian form of teepee. We stayed in one of these overnight. The Chinese government strongly encourages touristic ventures of this kind.
I was here before with an academic group about 5 years ago and i marveled at how Chinese people could really enjoy nature--stopping a caravan of cars just to walk among some wild flowers. This time, I was the only academic, for sure, and the guest of honor for the host who is a former workmate of my wife, Huiqin.
You know that you are in China when a policeman (whom I learned is an old friend of the host) takes lead of the convoy with his lights flashing--allowing us free passage through toll booths. It is all about relationships, you know.
On this trip it was not about enjoying nature; it was about the culture of drinking, Mongolia style. We sat around until dinner, at which time many plates were presented and the 'bai jiu" (literally white wine) was taken from the many boxes thereof. Baijiu can be 38 proof to 60. Fortunately, this was only 38 and was rather good tasting, given that one has become accustomed to its rather strong astringency. (Most men make very ugly faces as it descends their throats. I try for control.) Women are allowed to be teetotalers, but not the guest of honor. Repeatedly, during the dinner, one man or the other would raise his cup and we would all be required to share a sip. I was encouraged to control my consumption, but to now avail, because someone would always seek to confirm a life-long friendship by "gan bei"--a rapid emptying of the cup and tipping it slightly to display its emptiness. Of the four cups that they say that I consumed, two were gan bei--and I was drunk. (I know that I drank four cups, because according to Hui, they had counted!)
Hui was told, the following day, that I was perceived to be a great man--having downed four cups without any sign of sickness.
But it was the following morning that shocked me. Here we were at breakfast and a guy was opening a container of bai jiu. Who, I asked myself, wants to drink that at this time? I learned quickly that that person would be the guest of honor. Quite ceremoniously, with a white cloth draped over his wrists, a man offered me a cup to gan bei. I am sure that my face displayed shock and I looked frantically to my wife for instruction. That is when I learn of this Mongolian tradition. Okay guys, down the hatch.
I must tell you, it didn't hit my stomach softly. No sickness, but the stuff rolled around in my poor stomach for many hours. Sometimes, honor carries awesome obligations. Welcome to Mongolia.duran