Herbert Barry III

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Herbert Barry III, Profile. CV - SocioStudies

Herbert Barry III, Lili Josephson, Edith Laurer, and Catherine Marshall. 1976. Traits Inculcated in Childhood. Ethnology, Vol. 15, pp. 83-114.

Herbert Barry III and Alice Schlegel. 1980 Measurements of Adolescent Sexual Behavior in the Standard Sample of Societies.

Barry, Herbert, III, Schlegel, A. 1982. Cross-cultural codes on contributions by women to subsistence, Ethnology, Vol. 21, pp. 165-188.

Barry, Herbert III, and Brian L. Yoder. 2002. Multiple Predictors of Contribution by Women to Agriculture. Cross-cultural Research 36(3):286-297.

Herbert Barry III and Alice Schlegel. 1980.Cross-Cultural Samples and Codes. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.

Three of the seven articles are about pairs


Author: Barry III, Herbert
Journal: Social Evolution & History. Volume 4, Number 2 / September 2005

ABSTRACT Hereditary community leadership is homoarchical prior designation of the next leader (a definition: hereditary). Other homoarchical customs are subordination of the community to a higher government and kinship affiliation limited to either paternal or maternal relatives. The alternative heterarchical choices are election or another method of selecting the new leader, political independence of the community, and choice of kinship affiliation. In a world sample of more than 100 diverse communities, predictors of hereditary community leadership are permission of premarital heterosexual intercourse by females, small population of the community, two or more social classes or castes, and praying or violence as a component of community ceremonies. These predictors suggest that homoarchical hereditary leadership enables more permissiveness toward unmarried women, is more feasible in small community populations, and supports the homoarchical customs of social stratification and emotional ceremonies. Two homoarchical attributes, political subordination and unilineal kinship, characterize the largest number of communities. Homoarchical subordination of the community is generally a prerequisite for high levels of cultural complexity. In subordinated communities, cultural complexity is diminished by the combination of two additional homoarchical customs, unilineal kinship and hereditary leadership. The optimal situation appears to be a combination of homoarchical stability with heterarchical freedom of choice. In contemporary large nations, the adverse effects of multiple levels of government above the community might be counteracted by maximal community autonomy and by the heterarchic customs of choice of kinship affiliation and selection of community leadership.

WEALTH CONCENTRATION ASSOCIATED WITH FREQUENT VIOLENT CRIME IN DIVERSE COMMUNITIES. Author: Barry III, Herbert Journal: Social Evolution & History. Volume 6, Number 2 / September 2007

ABSTRACT Frequency of violent crimes by individuals was measured in a world sample of 102 diverse communities. Violent crimes combine measures of assault and homicide. Frequent violent crimes are associated with high concentration of wealth among a minority of individuals or families. High wealth concentration combines four measures: general polygyny, use of money, gifts or exchanges accompanying marriage, and domestication of pigs or larger animals. Frequent violent crimes are correlated with high wealth concentration. Three of the four components of high wealth concentration are prevalent in modern industrialized nations. The exception is general polygyny. In cities, wealth concentration instead of large, dense, and heterogeneous population is probably the cause of frequent violent crimes. A remedy is to shift government revenue from productive activities, such as wages, sales, and the value of buildings, to owners of land and other natural resources.


Community Customs Associated with Political Subordination. Author: Barry III, Herbert Journal: Social Evolution & History. Volume 2, Number 1 / March 2003

Abstract Political subordination of a community may be expected to influence behavior of the individuals. Differences in numbers of government levels above the community, from none to more than two, were compared in a world sample of 88 communities. The ethnographic information was obtained when the communities had slight or no acculturation due to contact with European intruders. Customs selectively associated with increasing government levels are payment for marriage, frequent external warfare, non-maternal caretakers of young children, schooling through late childhood, requirement of obedience by adolescents, prohibition of premarital sexual intercourse by girls, multiple residences of families, presence of large buildings, low indulgence of young children, and frequent punishment of older children. The adverse effects of government on the members of the community might be counteracted by minimizing social stratification and by maximizing autonomy of the community.

EVIDENCE FOR DIRECT EVOLUTIONARY LINKAGES OF AGRICULTURE WITH OTHER CUSTOMS. Author: Barry III, Herbert Journal: Social Evolution & History. Volume 14, Number 1 / March 2015

Herbert Barry, III University of Pittsburgh ABSTRACT In a world sample of diverse societies, geographical and other variations can cause misleading low or high correlations between two customs when measured by scores of individual societies. Evolutionary linkage of agriculture with another custom can be inferred more accurately from differences between paired nearby societies if the pair member that obtains more food from agriculture has either a higher or a lower score on the other custom in most of the pairs. A world sample of 186 societies contains 93 pairs of nearby societies. The pair member that obtained more food from agriculture usually had land transport assisted by animals or vehicles and obtained less food from domesticated animals. Other predominant customs of this pair member were choice of wife by adult relatives instead of by the adolescent boy, less premarital sexual freedom of adolescents, and less frequent corporal punishment of young children. Direct evolutionary linkage of food from agriculture with the associated customs might be attributable to the greater power and wealth obtained by owners of agricultural land. POLITICAL INTEGRATION WITHOUT WARFARE

Author: Barry III, Herbert
Journal: Social Evolution & History. Volume 11, Number 2 / September 2012

Robert L. Carneiro correctly demonstrates that government over multiple communities most often begins by conquest or threat of conquest. One independent community usually wages successful wars of conquest against adjacent communities. Sometimes independent communities unite because a nearby government over multiple communities threatens to attack and subjugate them. Circumscription, a term originated by Carneiro in 1970, facilitates government of multiple communities by a paramount chief or small state. Communities are less able to remain independent if their environment is restricted or their resources are inadequate. Contrary to Carneiro's assumption that external warfare is normally constant among independent communities is information in an article by Carol R. Ember and Melvin Ember (1992) Warfare, Aggression, and Resource Problems: Cross-Cultural Codes. In a world sample of 186 societies, 105 with a score on frequency of external warfare had definitely or probably not been pacified. The average proportion of maximum frequency was 52 per cent for 42 independent communities, 61 per cent for 25 communities with one level of higher government, 71 per cent for 14 communities with two higher levels and also 71 per cent for 24 communities with three or more higher levels. Henri J. M. Claessen, in his article On Chiefs and Chiefdoms (Claessen 2011), stated that independent communities usually have a hereditary leader with spiritual power. The chief and members of an independent community therefore resist subordination under a higher government level. Democratic government and election of the leaders, which occur in some independent communities, may increase the likelihood of peaceful, consensual union with other communities. Human beings have great ability to form cohesive communities that endure for many generations. Members of other communities are usually regarded as aliens or enemies. Warfare among communities therefore is a tendency, but it is not universal. If the members of other communities are correctly regarded as cousins, descended from a common ancestral community, higher levels of government can develop peacefully. Carneiro described favorable conditions for development of a small state by conquest. Favorable conditions also can be described for peaceful integration of independent communities into a higher level of government. If the nearby communities have differentiated from a common ancestral community less than a thousand years ago, they usually share the same language and the same spiritual beliefs. Intermarriage fosters solidarity among the communities, especially if they have matrilineal kinship. Ample natural resources diminish the need for competition and warfare. Technological advancement, trade, visits, and communications are further favorable conditions for peaceful integration. The favorable conditions for peaceful change to higher government levels apply to the contemporary physical and social environment. Inauguration of the worldwide United Nations in 1945, before the end of World War II, was an approach toward world government. The more recent European Common Market is another higher government level for nations that in the past frequently warred against each other. The approximately 200,000 years of our species include many occasions when a group of community members moved away and formed a new community. These dispersions usually occurred during high birth rate with an abundance of resources and available territory. New communities alternate with combinations of adjacent communities, which sometimes form a higher level of government. Political integration can be adaptive and consensual. Warfare and conquest are destructive and prominent interventions that may be exaggerated in historical records and in the archeological evidence. Government above the community sometimes begins with a voluntary confederation among independent communities. Several examples are described by D. Blair Gibson in his article Chiefdom Confederacies and State Origins (Gibson 2011). Page 224 contains the following conclusion: ‘In their very constitution, chiefdom confederacies would seem to have embodied a mixture of coercion and volunteerism’. Examples were the ancient Celts, Germans, and Greeks. An especially interesting example is the Iroquois League, which was characterized by Gibson as a confederacy of tribes rather than of chiefdoms. Five tribes, the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, maintained the league for multiple centuries. The Tuscaroras later became the sixth member. This league, which occupied most of the future New York State, has been described as an influential and beneficial model for the federal government created in 1789 by 13 British colonies on the eastern seaboard of North America. The Iroquois League and its culture soon afterward were overwhelmed by the immigrants from Europe.


Differences between Otherwise Similar Communities Reveal Cultural Linkages with Higher Government Levels. Author: Barry III, Herbert Journal: Social Evolution & History. Volume 8, Number 2 / September 2009

Abstract A world sample of 186 diverse communities was divided into 93 pairs with adjacent serial numbers. Members of the same pair have similar attributes. Differences between the pair members minimize cultural variations and might identify linkage of higher government levels with other cultural variables. Higher government levels are linked with residence fixity, writing and records, social stratification, a large building in the community, dowry instead of bride-price, more food obtained from agriculture and intercommunity trade, formal schooling for older children prior to adolescence, and more frequent external and internal warfare. Contrary to correlations using scores of the total sample, higher government levels have weak or reversed linkages with unilineal kinship, food obtained from animal husbandry, and requiring children to be obedient. Contrary to long term increase in social stratification and other measures of cultural complexity, the stratification score was usually lower in the pair member that was described in a later year.


Direct Evolutionary Links with Food from Domesticated Animals. Author: Barry III, Herbert Journal: Social Evolution & History. Volume 10, Number 2 / September 2011

ABSTRACT In a world sample of 186 diverse societies, associations between two cultural variables are usually measured by correlation coefficients applied to the scores of both variables for the individual societies. Direct evolutionary links between two variables may be revealed by applying correlation coefficients to differences between the members of 93 pairs of societies with adjacent serial numbers. The members of the same pair are relatively close in geographical location and therefore in environmental conditions. Amount of food was compared from six sources: domesticated animals, agriculture, hunting, gathering, fishing, and intercommunity trade. Agriculture and domesticated animals both are techniques for food production. Food from domesticated animals is associated with more frequent migration and with fewer government levels above the community. Direct evolutionary links with more food obtained from domesticated animals appear to include less food from agriculture, less cultural complexity, absence of bilateral kinship, occurrence of matrilineal kinship and of bride-price, and more permissiveness of premarital sexual behavior.